[project] Part III: Transnational analysis (continued)

Question 3. How does the organization engage with notions of transnationality – including notions of “North America” – as we have studied them in this course thus far?

One of the best things about UNITE HERE is the fact that it has been cross-border organizing since the early 1900s. The IGLWU (UNITE’s founding organization) started cross-border organizing in 1911, eleven years after its inception. The group recognized the similar struggles women across the U.S.-Canadian border in Toronto were suffering in the garment industry. For almost a hundred years, then, UNITE HERE’s founding unions collaborated across the border to attain fair treatment within the workforce.

UNITE HERE’s membership network extends through Canada, the United States and Puerto Rico. Such transnational organizing is commendable. Whereas it would be very easy to ignore the struggles of people in different countries, UNITE HERE’s commitment to protecting the individuals within its constituent industries transcends borders. However, its membership does not (yet?) extend to Mexico. Although present in 46 states plus the District of Columbia, UNITE HERE’s organizing drive has not extended south of the United States border. It has local unions in the border states – California, Arizona, New Mexico and Texas – but it has not yet crossed the border into Mexico. A good question for the leaders of UNITE HERE is why this is so and if they have plans to expand their membership into Mexico.

Question 4. Do you think the organization/movement is successful at reaching its targeted constituents? Why or why not?

I do think UNITE HERE is successful at reaching its targeted constituents. Its success in unionizing the largest corporations that employ large numbers of minority and women workers is an indication of its accomplishments. However, there are still employers exploiting primarily women and minority immigrant workers who could be assisted by UNITE HERE. Specifically, Mexico is the next logical step for UNITE HERE’s organizing efforts. Women remain an over-exploited section of the low-paid factory and hospitality industries in Mexico. UNITE HERE could help those women.

Question 5. Based on your analysis, what are some of the obstacles faced by your chosen organization/movement?

One problem I noticed in nosing around their website is that UNITE HERE and UNITE HERE Canada have separate websites. It makes me wonder just how unified the two groups are. It is unclear what the relationship between the U.S. constituency and the Canadian constituency is. For example, how much time and resources are spent on U.S. organizing versus Canadian? Is the Canadian constituency helping the U.S. more than the U.S. constituency is helping Canada? Because of its size, is the U.S. constituency bullying Canada?

Another factor that can stymie UNITE HERE’s progress is anti-union sentiments, but I will not address that extensive debate here.

Although Kathleen Staudt (2002, “Transcending nations: Cross-border organizing,” International Feminist Journal of Politics, 4:2, 197-215) presses for higher educational institutions to use their weak ties to become leaders in transnational efforts, she mentions some possible roadblocks relevant to transnational organizing, particularly when relying on weak ties. In particular, she asks what such weak ties (without strong support by international institutions or national governments, when the activists are separated geographically) can accomplish other than mere consciousness-raising. She wonders if weak ties alone can culminate in activity. This is a question of locality. Is locality necessary to provoke action? If so, then transnational weak ties will not be as effective as local efforts.

Finally, as manufacturing jobs are shipped to Mexico, India, China, Taiwan, etc., UNITE HERE’s membership will shift from textile industry employees to hospitality sector employees – from a manufacturing focus to a service industries focus. Such a loss in constituency may translate to a loss in bargaining power both at the local level as well as on the institutional and national level. However, if clothing manufacturing jobs do get shipped to other countries, UNITE HERE’s anti-sweatshop campaign is already poised to publicize exploitation of international workers by American and Canadian companies.